Urgent Talks Aim to Stop Hamas-Fatah Unity Pact

High-level delegations gathered Monday in Alamein for urgent reconciliation talks as fears mount over a potential opposition alliance with Hamas coming up ahead of the Palestinian legislative elections. The meeting brought together representatives from the Fatah movement, which currently dominates the Palestinian Authority, and Mohammed Dahlan's Democratic Reform bloc. This gathering happens right now because rivals like Dahlan's group and Hamas are discussing forming a broad coalition that could deliver a massive blow to Fatah in November.

The session was led by PA Vice President Hussein al-Sheikh, a senior figure within Fatah, alongside Samir al-Mashharawi, the deputy leader of Democratic Reform. Al-Mashharawi noted the initial mood felt positive but insisted nothing practical had been settled yet. He stated that President Mahmoud Abbas must make decisive decisions to finally unite the fractured movement. Democratic Reform is composed largely of former Fatah officials who walked away due to disagreements with Abbas.

"Everyone who was subjected to unjust decisions inside the Fatah movement must have their rights returned," al-Mashharawi said. He also defended his group's recent talks with other Palestinian factions, clarifying that any alliances formed for the upcoming elections do not target Fatah or its leadership directly. Meanwhile, Hamas official Husam Badran told Al Jazeera last week that the group had met recently with Democratic Reform officials, plus representatives from Palestinian Islamic Jihad and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Their goal is to build a national bloc to contest these historic elections, which are the first since 2006.

The meeting with Dahlan carried extra weight because Hamas and he were fierce opponents in Gaza for years during his tenure as one of Fatah's most powerful officials there. That long-standing rivalry culminated in the 2007 conflict that forced Fatah out of Gaza entirely. Political analyst Ahmed al-Tanani says the proposed anti-Fatah bloc has already alarmed movement leadership and drove Monday's meeting.

"The main goal that the Fatah delegation came for is to neutralise the Dahlan participation in this alliance," al-Tanani told Al Jazeera. He added that the prospect of a unified opposition complicates Abbas's calculations significantly. Fatah trying so hard to stop this coalition from forming shows exactly how dangerous it presents. Any such grouping would highlight deep divisions inside Fatah itself, since Democratic Reform is a breakaway faction and its members remain associated with the original movement. The stakes for these communities are incredibly high as the election date looms closer.

A new political move could finally unite several Palestinian factions against a common enemy: the aging leadership of Mahmoud Abbas, who turns 90 and faces mounting opposition from his own people. Analyst Eyad al-Qarra suggests that an electoral alliance between Dahlan and Hamas would grant Hamas greater legitimacy to rule Gaza, even after they officially dissolved their administration there. This shift might also let Dahlan show himself in a much better light on the world stage.

"It is an attempt to present Dahlan and his faction to regional and international players as capable of achieving what Mahmoud Abbas could not – reaching serious understandings with Palestinian factions across the political spectrum," al-Tanani said. The goal seems clear: prove that this group can do what the current president failed to do for so long.

With Abbas growing older, questions about Fatah's future leadership have never been more urgent. Dahlan is now being mentioned as a possible successor, but al-Tanani warns it is too soon to think Monday's meeting signals real change. He explained that bringing Democratic Reform into the fold would feel like a widespread internal coup and threaten the interests of those currently in charge.

Any return for Dahlan also spells trouble for other contenders vying for power within the Palestinian Authority, including Abbas's son Yasser. Yasser won a seat on Fatah's Central Committee back in May, but his path looks rocky if Dahlan re-enters the scene. "If Dahlan comes in, Yasser's chances will be bad," al-Qarra said plainly. Current leaders seem terrified of an alliance forming among dissenters like Dahlan, Marwan Barghouti, who remains imprisoned by Israel, and veteran politician Nasser al-Qudwa.

Samih Khalaf, a Palestinian writer and former Fatah member, agrees that Dahlan's return would disrupt Yasser Abbas's rise to power. "The phenomenon of Dahlan poses a danger not only to an individual like the president, but also to the president's preparations to pass down power to his son," Khalaf said. The issue is simple: Yasser could not balance Dahlan's influence if the latter returned to Fatah, Khalaf added. Mahmoud Abbas has never publicly stated he intends for Yasser to inherit the presidency, leaving that question hanging in the air.

International pressure now drives Abbas back toward the ballot box after years of delaying elections. This push fits into a wider reform agenda supported by European and Arab governments, including an initiative from France and Saudi Arabia aimed at a two-state solution. "The main motive for the Authority going toward elections is primarily linked to a European path, or at least a Franco-Saudi path aligned with the European Union, aimed at pushing reforms," al-Tanani said.

For Dahlan, however, these elections offer something more: a way back into formal Palestinian politics. Al-Tanani noted that elections gave him a chance to turn his continued influence, despite living in the United Arab Emirates for years, into official political representation. "Dahlan 'saw in the Palestinian elections a golden opportunity to re-establish himself within the official Palestinian political system'," al-Tanani said. Khalaf made a similar point, arguing that only the ballot box and international attention can determine the shape of the political system and its future leaders.

This calculation explains why analysts see Hamas taking an increasingly pragmatic approach toward Dahlan now. "Hamas is being intelligent," al-Qarra said. The stakes are high for everyone involved as these factions weigh their next moves against a backdrop of shifting alliances and global expectations.

The situation involves everyone, right down to the Dahlan faction. This holds true especially since he plays a role in negotiations. His connections with Europe, the UAE, Egypt, and the United States cannot be ignored. Yet, as preparations move forward for the elections, serious questions linger. How much will these votes change the current balance of power? Will they happen at all?

Al-Tanani stressed that Abbas continues to hold leverage because of the authority he commands. In his electoral decrees and decisions, President Mahmoud Abbas has kept in his hands the authority to appoint National Council membership. This means the ability to flip any majority that legislative elections might yield. He made this clear while referring to the legislative body of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation, which represents both Palestinians inside and outside the territories.

The implication is stark. Even if an opposition coalition manages to secure a majority in the polls, Abbas could potentially stop them from holding power in the legislature. That would prevent them from controlling the PLO, the internationally-recognised representative of the Palestinian people. And al-Qarra pointed out another option available to the leader. He could postpone the elections again, just as he did in 2021.

"If he feels that this [opposition] alliance is a real threat that he will lose," al-Qarra said, "he will cancel the elections or postpone them." The pretexts and justifications for such moves are many. This dynamic leaves communities uncertain about their future representation and raises fears of being pushed back into limbo by political maneuvering behind closed doors.