Trump's Middle East Peace Plan Gains Global Support After One Year
A year has passed since President Donald Trump brokered a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas. That move launched an ambitious peace plan designed to bring lasting stability to the region. Progress in the days and months since then drew support from across the globe, including from unexpected quarters. Senior advisor to the Board of Peace Josh Gruenbaum told Fox News Digital that the success of the last 12 months was largely attributable to President Donald Trump's leadership and commitment to seeking peace.
"The unlock was somebody who came in, who really knew the file because they had the chance to study it and understand it," Gruenbaum said. Trump and his team, including U.S. special envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff, U.S. special envoy for Peace Jared Kushner and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, created working relationships with regional actors with trust, overlaid with peace through strength. They also forced Hamas to finally understand that this was either going to end the very hard way for them or there was an off-ramp and a way to do this in a more dignified way, which is what the 20-point plan was.

He said this has been achieved by building consensus through the world, including through Europe, that this is the only game in town. This is the only pragmatic approach to make this thing stop. A particular point of strength for the Board of Peace, Gruenbaum added, has been cultivating really strong relationships with the United Nations. In November 2025, the United Nations endorsed the Board of Peace through Resolution 2803.
European Union Commissioner for the Mediterranean and for Demography Dubravka Šuica announced at a high-level briefing at the Board of Peace in September that the European Union had gathered about $1 billion for early recovery in Gaza. They would sign recovery projects with the UNDP and UNICEF. We are doing this in alignment with the priorities of the Board of Peace and the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG), Šuica stated.

The International Stabilization Force will train a future police force in Gaza and oversee demilitarization. It has received commitments from Kazakhstan, Morocco, Albania and Kosovo, with other countries said to be in the pipeline for admission. Notably absent from Gaza's future, per the Board of Peace plan, is the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). The Board of Peace has been unequivocal that UNRWA will have no involvement in Gaza. One U.S. agency, the USAID Office of the Inspector General, is currently investigating over 1,500 UNRWA employees for involvement in terror groups.

On X, the Board of Peace recently stated that it will only work with trusted partners who deliver for the people of Gaza and contribute to a deradicalized Strip. It emphasized that UNRWA fails on those litmus tests. The Board of Peace's effort has support from unlikely corners. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton wrote in a June editorial in the Financial Times that while the plan was not the one many of us would have drafted, she believes it remains the only framework backed by sufficient leverage, political engagement and potential resources to move parties towards implementation.
The Board of Peace has received about $18 billion in pledges for reconstruction, the BBC recently reported. A Board of Peace official told Fox News Digital that next steps in the reconstruction program include a six-month program with 66 recovery initiatives. These projects cover rubble clearance, unexploded ordnance clearance, construction of temporary housing and destroying tunnel infrastructure.

Access to these details remains limited for most observers. Only those inside the circle have full clarity on how funds move or who signs off on specific deals. This privileged view shapes public understanding in ways that often leave outsiders guessing. Communities face real risks when reconstruction depends on opaque partnerships rather than transparent oversight. The controversy over UNRWA highlights how deeply political choices shape humanitarian outcomes.
Can we trust a plan built so heavily on exclusion? Critics ask if removing an aid agency truly helps civilians or just reshuffles power dynamics. The facts are clear: billions have pledged, but the path forward is narrow and contested. Trust must be earned through action, not rhetoric alone.

Kushner has issued a stark ultimatum to Hamas: disarm or expect full U.S. backing for Israel to finish the job. The initiatives ahead are projected to cost $2.45 billion, and tenders for some projects have already been submitted. Moving forward, the Board of Peace faces a steep climb with several hurdles remaining, including achieving complete demilitarization and de-radicalization within Gaza. Gruenbaum describes the board as realistic and sober yet notes they stand at a historic juncture with Hamas after securing verbal agreements and laying out a path to amnesty for eligible individuals.
He argues that this 20-point plan represents Hamas' best route forward, especially given current regional dynamics that leave them with few other choices. Mediators are growing more supportive of the board's efforts. Tehran remains focused on its ongoing war, while Israel continues to apply pressure. Gruenbaum emphasizes that despite these shifts, the Board of Peace insists compliance with the ceasefire is non-negotiable.

Deradicalization will not be a top-down operation directed by the United States. Instead, it will be managed through the National Council for American Governance. Gruenbaum explained that the members of this council have children raised under the current UNRWA-run system, so they truly understand the situation on the ground. The strategy involves a new technocratic government whose members possess extensive civil service experience leading efforts to vet teachers and screen individuals involved in civil governance.

Gruenbaum celebrated the chance to unite the NCAG and Israeli authorities through Gaza's transformation. He called it a monumental opportunity for the Palestinian people where their governing body would focus uniquely on delivering services to constituents. If trust can be built between Israel and the NCAG, security is delivered for Israel while freedom, self-determination, and prosperity building occur inside Gaza. That creates a two-way trust-building system.
Successes in this region could ripple outward. Maybe these best practices get learned by the Palestinian Authority. Maybe Israel starts adding more trust with different people in the system. This marks a huge moment in the history of the Middle East. The stakes are high for communities on both sides, as limited access to information keeps many in the dark about how quickly things might change.
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